Observing Gus Dur from Burma
Gamma Magazine (Indonesia): Year II, September 13-19, 2000
By Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo*
".. Burmese military junta in many instances copies as it is the
Indonesian New Order system"
In his speech when receiving "Global Leadership Award" in Columbia
University, United States (8/9), President Abdurrahman Wahid again made
a promise for Burma. This time, the President promised to make efforts
by all means to defend the safety and the security of Burmese (Myanmar)
opposition figure, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Tension in Burma became an international issue, following the ban on the
Secretary General of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to leave
Rangoon (24/8) and the attack on NLD office followed by house arrest of
several leaders of said party (2/9). We all hope that Gus Dur's promise
was not only a diplomatic lip service, in order to get a standing
ovation of the audience, only to be forgotten once he set foot in
Jakarta again. Hasn't Gus Dur breached his promise when he first went
abroad as a president? In Jakarta he promised that if he went to Burma
he would meet Aung San Suu Kyi. But when he arrived there, he only met
the military leaders of that country.
On August 21, 2000 the author had an occasion to see Aung San Suu Kyi in
Rangoon. For three days the author together with 14 activists,
journalists and parliamentarians from ten countries (Thailand, Malaysia,
Ireland, United States, Canada, South Africa, Netherlands, Norway and
Australia) were invited by NLD to attend a symposium on educational
system in its office. It goes without saying, this trip that was
facilitated by Altsean (Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma) was
"illegal". We left Bangkok as if not knowing with each other and spent
the night in different hotels.
This Noble Prize Laureate for Peace in 1991 paid special attention to
Indonesia. The gentle but steel-hearted woman had very great concern
that the military might stage a comeback to seize power. In all these
years, Burmese military junta has seen Indonesia as an ideal example in
many instances. Therefore, according to Suu Kyi, the civilian government
of Abdurrahman Wahid should be supported as far as it continued with the
democratization agenda in Indonesia. "Since your country changed", she
said, "Burmese military regime lost its patron. They are confused in
finding a new idol, perhaps they would chose China as a new patron
country".
Why should we support democratization in Burma? Firstly, the preamble of
the 1945 Constitution explains that freedom is the right of every
nation, and one of the objectives of freedom is to take part in
defending the world order based on everlasting peace and social justice.
Secondly, the fight for democracy and especially for the enforcement of
human rights does not know any national boundaries, or universal in
character. Thirdly, Burma is one of ASEAN member countries that have not
enjoyed democracy. Fourthly, Burmese military regime in many instances
imitated as it was the New Order system of Indonesia.
By such reasons, actually supporting Burmese people to gain their
democratic rights is tantamount to obeying the 1945 Constitution.
Supporting democracy in Burma is tantamount to carrying out reform
agendas, one of them is to "kick" the military back into their barracks.
As it was mentioned above, the Burmese military copied the New Order
system, from the 1945 Constitution, state philosophy, the dual function
of the military, until an institution similar to Kopkamtib (the
Operation Command to Restore Security and Order).
Ironically, ASEAN conversely accepted Burma as its full member in 1997.
ASEAN leaders at that time were, among others, Mahathir Muhammad
(Malaysia), Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore), and Soeharto (Indonesia). These
three leaders while always propagated Asian values, while criticizing
western democracy, subsequently developed a policy of "not interfering
in the domestic affairs of each member country". Under such principle,
SLORC that subsequently changed its name into the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) was supported and protected fully by ASEAN,
although later it became a problem in the relation between ASEAN and the
European Economic Community. In several meetings, EEC rejected the
presence of Burmese officials.
Can Gus Dur change the policy of "constructive engagement and
non-interference", which has long been followed by ASEAN, with a
democratic policy that embodies human rights values? This is a challenge
for Gus Dur. Inside the country, at least Gus Dur succeeded in pushing
aside the military role in political affairs, giving ample space to the
press, and ensuring freedom of expression. Can Gus Dur in ASEAN
introduce reform in policies that do not conform any longer to democracy
demands?
The answer depends, firstly, on whether Gus Dur is capable of
influencing ASEAN's heads of government to change their policies on
Burma. After that, secondly, whether Gud Dur is capable of convincing
Burmese military junta to sit at one table together with the opposition
led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The author is convinced that Gus Dur is capable
of doing so. The only question is whether Gus Dur is willing and is
serious in doing so?
* Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo, an activist of Solidamor, Jakarta.
Gamma Magazine (Indonesia): Year II, September 13-19, 2000
By Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo*
".. Burmese military junta in many instances copies as it is the
Indonesian New Order system"
In his speech when receiving "Global Leadership Award" in Columbia
University, United States (8/9), President Abdurrahman Wahid again made
a promise for Burma. This time, the President promised to make efforts
by all means to defend the safety and the security of Burmese (Myanmar)
opposition figure, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Tension in Burma became an international issue, following the ban on the
Secretary General of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to leave
Rangoon (24/8) and the attack on NLD office followed by house arrest of
several leaders of said party (2/9). We all hope that Gus Dur's promise
was not only a diplomatic lip service, in order to get a standing
ovation of the audience, only to be forgotten once he set foot in
Jakarta again. Hasn't Gus Dur breached his promise when he first went
abroad as a president? In Jakarta he promised that if he went to Burma
he would meet Aung San Suu Kyi. But when he arrived there, he only met
the military leaders of that country.
On August 21, 2000 the author had an occasion to see Aung San Suu Kyi in
Rangoon. For three days the author together with 14 activists,
journalists and parliamentarians from ten countries (Thailand, Malaysia,
Ireland, United States, Canada, South Africa, Netherlands, Norway and
Australia) were invited by NLD to attend a symposium on educational
system in its office. It goes without saying, this trip that was
facilitated by Altsean (Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma) was
"illegal". We left Bangkok as if not knowing with each other and spent
the night in different hotels.
This Noble Prize Laureate for Peace in 1991 paid special attention to
Indonesia. The gentle but steel-hearted woman had very great concern
that the military might stage a comeback to seize power. In all these
years, Burmese military junta has seen Indonesia as an ideal example in
many instances. Therefore, according to Suu Kyi, the civilian government
of Abdurrahman Wahid should be supported as far as it continued with the
democratization agenda in Indonesia. "Since your country changed", she
said, "Burmese military regime lost its patron. They are confused in
finding a new idol, perhaps they would chose China as a new patron
country".
Why should we support democratization in Burma? Firstly, the preamble of
the 1945 Constitution explains that freedom is the right of every
nation, and one of the objectives of freedom is to take part in
defending the world order based on everlasting peace and social justice.
Secondly, the fight for democracy and especially for the enforcement of
human rights does not know any national boundaries, or universal in
character. Thirdly, Burma is one of ASEAN member countries that have not
enjoyed democracy. Fourthly, Burmese military regime in many instances
imitated as it was the New Order system of Indonesia.
By such reasons, actually supporting Burmese people to gain their
democratic rights is tantamount to obeying the 1945 Constitution.
Supporting democracy in Burma is tantamount to carrying out reform
agendas, one of them is to "kick" the military back into their barracks.
As it was mentioned above, the Burmese military copied the New Order
system, from the 1945 Constitution, state philosophy, the dual function
of the military, until an institution similar to Kopkamtib (the
Operation Command to Restore Security and Order).
Ironically, ASEAN conversely accepted Burma as its full member in 1997.
ASEAN leaders at that time were, among others, Mahathir Muhammad
(Malaysia), Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore), and Soeharto (Indonesia). These
three leaders while always propagated Asian values, while criticizing
western democracy, subsequently developed a policy of "not interfering
in the domestic affairs of each member country". Under such principle,
SLORC that subsequently changed its name into the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) was supported and protected fully by ASEAN,
although later it became a problem in the relation between ASEAN and the
European Economic Community. In several meetings, EEC rejected the
presence of Burmese officials.
Can Gus Dur change the policy of "constructive engagement and
non-interference", which has long been followed by ASEAN, with a
democratic policy that embodies human rights values? This is a challenge
for Gus Dur. Inside the country, at least Gus Dur succeeded in pushing
aside the military role in political affairs, giving ample space to the
press, and ensuring freedom of expression. Can Gus Dur in ASEAN
introduce reform in policies that do not conform any longer to democracy
demands?
The answer depends, firstly, on whether Gus Dur is capable of
influencing ASEAN's heads of government to change their policies on
Burma. After that, secondly, whether Gud Dur is capable of convincing
Burmese military junta to sit at one table together with the opposition
led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The author is convinced that Gus Dur is capable
of doing so. The only question is whether Gus Dur is willing and is
serious in doing so?
* Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo, an activist of Solidamor, Jakarta.
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